Family reconstitutions have been undertaken only rarely in urban settings due to the high mobility of historical urban populations, in both life and death. Recently Gill Newton has outlined a methodology for the reconstitution of urban populations and we applied a modified version of this method to the large Westminster parish of St. Martin in the Fields between 1752 and 1812, a period that posed particular difficulties for family reconstitution because of the rapid lengthening of the interval between birth and baptism.1 The extraordinary richness of the records for St. Martin in the Fields made it possible to investigate burial and baptismal practices in great detail, and the extent and impact of residential mobility. We found that short-range, inter-parochial movement was so frequent that it was necessary to confine the reconstitution sample to windows in which families registered events at a single street address. Using birth interval analysis and the frequencies of twin births it was possible to demonstrate that the registration of birth events was fairly complete, but that many infant and child burials were missed. These missing burials probably resulted from the unreported export of corpses for burial in other parishes, a phenomenon for which we had considerable evidence. The limitations of family reconstitution in this highly mobile and heterogeneous urban population is discussed and we demonstrate some checks and corrections that can be used to improve the quality of such reconstitutions.

This article explores the potential reasons for and extent of bigamy in London in the early nineteenth century. The nature of the criminal offence is considered, examining the evidence required to secure a conviction, and the penalties imposed. Based largely on records of Old Bailey convictions, together with associated newspaper reports, the varied personal circumstances of those involved are noted. Some were victims of the system; others were exploited targets of their callous partner. Gender distinctions are considered and the sentences imposed analysed to ascertain how they reflected society's view of the particular misconduct.

Family reconstitutions have been undertaken only rarely in urban settings due to the high mobility of historical urban populations, in both life and death. Recently Gill Newton has outlined a methodology for the reconstitution of urban populations and we applied a modified version of this method to the large Westminster parish of St. Martin in the Fields between 1752 and 1812, a period that posed particular difficulties for family reconstitution because of the rapid lengthening of the interval between birth and baptism. The extraordinary richness of the records for St. Martin in the Fields made it possible to investigate burial and baptismal practices in great detail, and the extent and impact of residential mobility. We found that short-range, inter-parochial movement was so frequent that it was necessary to confine the reconstitution sample to windows in which families registered events at a single street address. Using birth interval analysis and the frequencies of twin births it was possible to demonstrate that the registration of birth events was fairly complete, but that many infant and child burials were missed. These missing burials probably resulted from the unreported export of corpses for burial in other parishes, a phenomenon for which we had considerable evidence. The limitations of family reconstitution in this highly mobile and heterogeneous urban population is discussed and we demonstrate some checks and corrections that can be used to improve the quality of such reconstitutions.

On 2 July 1637 43-year-old Elizabeth Burgess, from Canterbury, was buried at Birchington, Kent, having died of the plague in the hamlet of Wood in that parish. She was the first victim of an outbreak of plague in 1637. This article firstly examines that outbreak in Birchington in detail; then it considers how far the parish's experience matched that in nearby Faversham and Sandwich. It finally discusses the extent to which the infection spread to the surrounding area.

This research note describes an under-used collection of papers which document interwar income, nutrition and health in Britain which were created in the administration of the Carnegie Dietary Survey by John Boyd-Orr in the Rowett Institute with funding from the Carnegie United Kingdom Trust. The survey was conducted in 16 rural and urban places across England and Scotland between 1937-9, and are now held at the Specialist Collections Centre at the University of Aberdeen. While the importance of the survey in informing knowledge about nutrition and the development of rationing has been acknowledged in the field of social medicine, the survey data has primarily been used by epidemiological scientists and economic historians. After outlining the survey's past influences and uses, this item details the possible ways the data could be used by social, economic and local population historians.

The double logarithmic straight-line representation of marriage horizon data is a useful tool for their comparison. Current practice is to exclude intra-parochial couples from the calculations. This note argues that these couples should be included and demonstrates that the results of doing so produce significantly improved correlation coefficients.

This paper re-examines the high rates of infant mortality observed in rural areas of eastern England in the early years of civil registration. Infant mortality rates in some rural registration districts in the East Riding of Yorkshire, Cambridgeshire and Norfolk were higher than those in the mill towns of Lancashire. After describing the areas affected, this paper considers three potential explanations: environmental factors, poor-quality child care associated with the employment of women in agriculture, and the possibility that the high rates were the artefactual consequence of migrant women workers bringing their children to these areas. These explanations are then assessed using a range of evidence. In the absence of reliable cause of death data, recourse is had to three alternative approaches. The first involves the use of the exceptionally detailed tabulations of ages at death within the first year of life provided in the Registrar General's Annual Reports for the 1840s to assess whether the 'excess' infant deaths in rural areas of eastern England happened in the immediate post-natal period or later in the first year of life. Second, data on the seasonality of mortality in the 1840s are examined to see whether the zone of 'excess' infant mortality manifested a distinctive seasonal pattern. Finally, a regression approach is employed involving the addition of covariates to regression models. The conclusion is that no single factor was responsible for the 'excess' infant mortality, but a plausible account can be constructed which blends elements of all three of the potential explanations mentioned above with the specific historical context of these areas of eastern England.

The evident lengthening of the interval between birth and baptism over the eighteenth century has often been assumed to have increased the risk that young infants died before baptism. Using burial records that include burials of unbaptised infants and give age at death we demonstrate that very few infants who survived the first few days of life escaped baptism in the parish of St. Martin in the Fields, despite a very profound lengthening of the delay between birth and baptism over the second half of the eighteenth century. Examination of baptism fee books indicates that perhaps a third of all infants were baptized privately in the parish and a pamphlet dispute between the vicar and one of his clerks provides extraordinary evidence of the extent to which baptism was a process rather than a single event. Our analysis suggests that it was the registration of baptism that was delayed, with no affect on the risk of death before baptism.

This study examines the maternal mortality rate in six early modern rural parishes of East Anglia where a midwife was known to be practicing. Register entries from the six parishes are translated and transcribed and maternal outcomes established and discussed. Midwives and their families are researched to establish marital status, parity and social standing. Maternal mortality is calculated and differing rates for women experiencing multiple births, stillbirths and base births examined.

This note is a preliminary analysis of the Newcastle and Gateshead Bills of Mortality, a hitherto unused source for understanding some of the most significant aspects of vital registration and burial practices in the North East's capital, c. 1736-1840. The Bills are annual totals of the number of burials and baptisms which took place in all of the ancient Anglican parishes in Newcastle and Gateshead. One of the most lucid aspects of the Bills is that they recorded the number of burials which took place in the 'infamous' un-consecrated burial ground of Ballast Hills located on the outskirts of the east-end of the town. Attention here is given to the initial accuracy of the Bills by focusing upon All Saints parish in Newcastle which accounted for approximately 50 per cent of the town's total population over the entire period. Here the data revealed in the Bills are compared directly with the burials which were registered by the parish clerk in All Saints. The major finding of this preliminary study is the huge discrepancy between the number of reported burials and the number of baptisms which took place in All Saints over time. The Bills also provide a fully documented account of the impact of Ballast Hills and the apparent "export in corpses" which was clearly taking place on a large scale. By the 1770s-1790s, this one burial ground alone, was consuming roughly 60-70 per cent of the town's dead population. The reasons behind this phenomenon are discussed by looking specifically at the possible impact of religious dissent, burial costs and burial space in the town. The note concludes that while this preliminary analysis is revealing, more work needs to be done which would involve a fuller analysis of all of the parishes recorded in the Bills as well as looking more closely at the registration of baptisms, stillbirths and the heavy "traffic in corpses" which was clearly a major defect of vital registration in Georgian Newcastle.

London population became increasing more diverse ethnically over the decade 2001-2011, a period when the White population declined, with many commentators suggesting that there has been 'White flight' from some districts in the face of 'invasion' by members of ethnic minority groups. To examine how extensively the city's ethnic landscape changed during that period--and whether suggestions of the operation of 'invasion and succession processes' are valid--this article reports on statistical mapping of small area data for the two censuses. The results identify clearly-defined, substantial blocks of territory within the urban residential fabric where members of each of the main census respondent self-identified ethnic groups are concentrated. These have expanded outwards, into areas from which the White population has clearly withdrawn, though in most cases the rate of cluster areal expansion has been less than the groups' numerical growth.

Migration is a controversial topic in twenty-first century Britain, and similar debates were equally visible in the nineteenth century with ample evidence that migrants from Ireland and Europe faced stigmatisation and discrimination in British cities. Today the media plays a major role in fuelling such debates, but little is known about the impact of newspaper reporting on public perceptions of migrants in the past. This article focuses on the reporting of cases brought before the police courts in Liverpool in 1851, 1871 and 1891 and, through the use of nominal record linkage to census data, examines the extent and manner in which migrant origin was commented on in one major Liverpool newspaper. It is demonstrated that, perhaps surprising, this media outlet largely ignored migrant origin in its reporting, and thus it was not a significant factor in shaping public perceptions of migrants in the city.

Improvement writers argued that drainage would bring prosperity and population growth to fenland communities; locals counter-argued that their communities were already thriving. The detailed surviving records from early modern Whittlesey, in the Isle of Ely, are analysed here to test the accuracy of these opposing claims. Using the returns of the 1523 Lay Subsidy, the 1563 ecclesiastical census, the Lady Day 1674 Hearth Tax records and the 1676 Compton Census, together with bishops' transcripts and probate inventories, this article finds that although the population did indeed increase after drainage, the pre-drainage population was also increasing. The Michaelmas 1664 Hearth Tax records are analysed to uncover something of the character of the inhabitants and the 1674 Lady Day returns are then used to test the relative wealth of the community compared with that of sub-regions throughout England identified by Tom Arkell. Finally, there is a discussion of Whittlesey's housing stock.

The aim of this paper is to determine the birthplaces, rather than residences, of spouses married in two parishes in England and to consider the effect of local topography, religion and occupation on pre-marital geographic mobility. A wide array of primary documentary sources was used to construct a database of over 22,000 individuals who lived in south-west Wiltshire in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Individuals were arranged in family groups and pedigrees traced for several generations. Data were included on birthplace, religious affiliation, occupation and many other variables. Geographical mobility calculated from birthplace was higher than estimates derived from residence prior to marriage. Brides had shorter marital distances than grooms. There were noticeable changes in the frequency of marital distance at 4 miles and 11 miles. Spouses born outside the parish of marriage were more likely to come from certain villages in ways which cannot be explained merely by distance and size. The Somerset-Wiltshire border formed a barrier, although a porous one, to the flow of marriage partners. Occupation influenced geographical mobility: grooms from higher-status occupational groups were more likely to be born further away than grooms from lower-status occupational groups. Catholic grooms were more likely to be born in the parish of marriage than Protestant grooms, but were also more likely to be born more than 11 miles away.